The 2025 Utah Legislative Session: A Masterclass in Power Consolidation
Let’s just say it: this session was brutal.
For 45 days, Utah’s Capitol turned into a policy factory for some of the most powerhungry, petty, and harmful legislation in the country. If it felt like everything was moving too fast to track, you're not wrong. It was designed that way.
This wasn’t just another year of bad bills. This was the year the GOP supermajority dropped the act. They stopped pretending to govern for everyone and fully embraced the authoritarian playbook: consolidate power, punish dissent, and make it harder for anyone to fight back. And while that may sound dramatic, trust us—we’ve got 582 reasons it’s not.
So here it is: your deep dive into what really happened during the 2025 Utah Legislative Session. The power grabs, the people they targeted, the rights they stripped, and the moments (although rare) where something good actually survived.
A Legislative Session in Fast-Forward
Let’s start with the basics. The Utah Legislature passed 582 bills this year—just shy of the all-time record (591 in 2024). We tracked 121 of them closely: 81 “bad” bills and 40 “good” ones.
To be clear, there were more good bills out there. But we’re only human, and not even coffee-fueled political nerds can keep up with everything while the GOP is legislative speedrunning us around in circles like it’s Mario Kart.
GOP Priorities in 2025: A Dark Preview of Project 2025
At the start of the session, Senate President Stuart Adams, House Speaker Mike Schultz, and Governor Spencer Cox laid out what they called their top priorities. But stripped of the political gloss, their real agenda was clear: suppress votes, kill any checks on their power, gut public education, and align Utah with Trump’s immigration crackdown.
1. Election Reform (Translation: Make voting harder, and accountability impossible)
The so-called “election reforms” weren’t about security or transparency, they were about control. They floated plans to phase out universal vote-by-mail, strip oversight away from the nonpartisan Lieutenant Governor’s office, and make it harder for Utahns to pass ballot initiatives. It was all part of a larger trend: taking power away from the people and handing it back to the politicians.
2. Higher Education “Reform” (Translation: Kill the liberal arts and politicize the classroom)
Next on the chopping block was Utah’s higher education system. Lawmakers demanded universities slash “inefficient” programs, code for anything that doesn’t directly feed the corporate workforce pipeline. Programs rooted in critical thinking, creativity, or social science were painted as expendable. If it doesn’t make money, or fit a narrow political worldview, it doesn’t belong in Utah.
3. Immigration (Translation: Shilling for Trump 2.0)
Finally, they made it painfully obvious where Utah stands on immigration: ready and waiting to assist the second Trump administration. Cox and legislative leaders pushed for policies to expand E-Verify for employers and pledged support for deportation efforts, even for nonviolent and legal immigrants. These proposals weren’t about public safety, they were about signaling loyalty to MAGA priorities and criminalizing the very communities that keep Utah’s economy running.
Altogether, it was a disturbing preview: Utah wasn’t just following the national MAGA playbook—it was writing the next chapter.
To that end, here’s what they actually prioritized:
Making it harder to vote
Undermining the courts
Gutting public education
Targeting immigrants, queer people, and poor people
Cutting taxes for the wealthy
Ignoring the Great Salt Lake
Banning fluoride and labeling vaccinated food as drugs (seriously)
We’ve grouped the bills into themes to help you keep track. It’s a lot so hang in there.
RIGGING THE SYSTEM: Power Grabs, Court Attacks & Election Rigging
This session unfolded in the long shadow of the Utah Supreme Court’s landmark decision on the Better Boundaries and independent redistricting lawsuit, a ruling that affirmed something pretty basic: Utahns have the right to use ballot initiatives to reform their own government. That, combined with court-imposed stays on Utah’s abortion trigger law, the trans athlete ban, and the lawsuit brought over both Amendment A and Amendment D, made one thing clear to the supermajority: the courts were no longer playing along.
Instead of reflecting or recalibrating, Republican leadership responded with a direct assault on judicial independence. They didn’t even bother to hide it.
They introduced a slate of bills designed to strip the courts of their power and punish them for doing their job. They wanted to give legislators the authority to publicly evaluate judges like Yelp reviewers with an agenda. They tried to raise the judicial retention threshold to nearly impossible levels. And they worked to make it harder for citizens or watchdog groups to sue the state—even when the laws in question are blatantly unconstitutional.
This wasn’t about improving transparency or accountability. It was retaliation, plain and simple. A calculated effort to turn the courts into an arm of the legislature, less a coequal branch and more a rubber stamp.
Some of these efforts ultimately failed, thanks to public backlash, media scrutiny, and rare pushback from the state’s highest court. But don’t mistake failure for defeat. The message was unmistakable: if the courts won’t cooperate, the supermajority will do everything in its power to bend them into submission.
This is what authoritarian creep looks like—not with tanks in the streets, but with procedural changes, subtle threats, and legislative “reforms” that gut the very institutions meant to protect us.
Passed:
SB 154 & SJR 4 (Sen. Brady Brammer): Allows legislature to require disclosure of privileged/confidential information from plaintiffs suing the state during audits, even related to pending litigation.
SB 203 (Sen. Brady Brammer): Changes who can challenge laws, making it harder for everyday Utahns to stand up against laws that might violate their rights, effectively limiting our ability to hold lawmakers accountable.
SJR 9 (Sen. Brady Brammer): Shortens the time allowed to challenge laws believed to be unconstitutional. By limiting this timeframe, it makes it harder for citizens to fight back against unfair laws.
SB 204 (Sen. Brady Brammer): Gives the state a fast-track right to appeal court orders that block enforcement of a law on constitutional grounds.
SB 296 (Sen. Chris Wilson): Requires Utah's Chief Justice and Court of Appeals presiding judge to be appointed by the governor with legislative approval, ensuring politically aligned, right-leaning leadership.
HB 412 (Rep. Jefferson Burton): Removes partisan balance requirement on state boards and commissions, including the board that recommends judges.
Defeated (for now):
HB 512 (Rep. Karianne Lisonbee): Would have subjected judges to partisan retention reviews and recommendations. Those partisan recommendations would have been put on the ballot next to each judge’s name. Also known as you rule against our agenda, we’ll tell everyone to vote you out.
HB 451 (Rep. Jason Kyle): Would have raised the threshold for retention on the bench from 50%+1 to 67%.
The defeat of these last two bills was one of the few bright spots in an otherwise bleak campaign against judicial independence.
House Majority Whip Karianne Lisonbee claimed her goal was to “improve transparency” by creating a legislative committee to publicly evaluate judges. But the intent was obvious: turn judicial retention into a political loyalty test. That became even clearer after fierce pushback from Utah’s legal community, including Chief Justice Matthew Durrant and Justice Paige Petersen, who warned the Legislature that this kind of partisan oversight would permanently damage public trust in the courts.
Lawmakers backed down—at least for now. They agreed to work with the judiciary on refining the retention process for future sessions. It was a rare moment of restraint and a meaningful win for judicial independence.
But let’s not get comfortable. The message they sent was loud and clear: the GOP is reshaping the courts into a partisan tool. And while some of the worst proposals were shelved this time, others passed, and they’ll have lasting consequences. The endgame is a judiciary that no longer checks power but reinforces it. A court that doesn’t serve justice, but the party in charge.
Lucy and the Football, except its our Government
One especially revealing plotline came courtesy of Speaker Schultz and President Adams: HB 563, a bill that would have shifted the power to draft ballot proposition and amendment summary language back to the Legislature’s own attorneys, but still under the political direction of legislative leadership.
This was their response to the backlash over Amendment D in 2024 when the ballot language was so misleading that the Utah Supreme Court struck it down. Rather than reflect on how they misled the public, they tried to reframe the issue as a “process problem” and sold HB 563 as a way to “restore independence.”
But here’s the kicker: after breezing through a House committee and earning a round of glowing press about transparency and reform, the bill was quietly dropped. No final vote. No explanation. Just vanished.
Because it was never about fixing the process. It was about controlling the narrative. Schultz and Adams got their headlines, then pulled the plug. And that tells you everything: they don’t just want to control what ends up on your ballot, they want to control how you think about it. And the only thing they’re vaguely accountable to is good press.
The attack on Utah’s courts wasn’t an isolated event, it’s part of a national playbook. What we saw in this session mirrors a broader strategy pushed by groups like the Heritage Foundation and Project 2025: weaken the judiciary until it stops functioning as a check on power and starts serving as an extension of it.
Utah’s version of that strategy had three clear steps:
Politicize judges through public loyalty tests.
Raise the threshold for retention to make independent rulings a career risk.
Strip the courts of their ability to block unconstitutional laws.
It’s not about reform. It’s about control. These efforts are designed to purge any judge who dares to rule against the supermajority and ensure that what remains is a bench full of rubber stamps.
The endgame isn’t a more accountable judiciary. It’s one that answers only to those already in power.
If You Don’t Like It, Good Luck Changing It.
One of the most chilling patterns this session wasn’t just what passed, it was how the system itself was rewritten. Quietly, surgically, and under the guise of “reform,” Republican leadership pushed through a slate of bills that chipped away at democratic participation itself.
Restrictions on ballot initiatives. Rollbacks on vote-by-mail. New hurdles for voter ID. None of these changes made our elections more secure or our government more accountable. What they did was consolidate power and make it harder for everyday Utahns to challenge those in charge.
Layered with attacks on judicial independence, the message couldn’t be clearer: if you don’t like how they govern, they’re going to make sure it’s nearly impossible for you to do anything about it.
Passed:
HB 300 (Rep. Jefferson Burton): Phases out automatic vote-by-mail by 2029, requires voters to opt-in for mail ballots, shortens mail ballot deadlines, and requires state identification numbers to verify signatures on mail-in ballots.
SB 73 (Sen. Lincoln Fillmore): Updates rules for statewide initiative applications and petitions, requires ballot initiative applicants to identify a funding source for the potential law; adds stricter compliance and penalties.
SJR 2 (Sen. Lincoln Fillmore): Proposes constitutional amendment requiring higher voter approval (60%) for initiatives creating or increasing taxes.
HB 481 & HJR 10 (Rep. Anthony Loubet): Changes the constitutional timeline and type for public notice requirements. This is a direct response to the constitutional amendments (Amendment A and D) that were struck down last year by the Supreme Court due to them not meeting the public notice requirements.
Defeated (for now):
HB 332 (Rep. Karianne Lisobee): Would have allowed voter roll maintenance outsourcing to third-party vendors linked to election conspiracies, risking mass voter challenges.
HB 445 (Rep. Doug Fiefia): Would have moved up the voter registration deadline to 21 days before election day, shortened the ballot-curing period, and mandated earlier ballot processing. This bill was listed as a priority for the interim session so we will certainly be keeping an eye on this one.
These changes aren’t about improving elections, they’re about entrenching power. Bit by bit, Republicans are rewriting the rules to make sure the voters can’t hold them accountable. And when they overstep—as they did with Amendment D and A—they don’t apologize. They just rewrite the process to prevent it from happening again. The bills that passed this year chip away at the very tools citizens use to challenge their government. And the ones that failed? They're already being teed up for the next round. The goal isn’t just to win, it’s to make sure no one else can.
ATTACKING THE VULNERABLE: Anti-Immigrant, Anti-LGBTQ+, Anti-Worker
The GOP Picked Its Targets: Vulnerable Communities and Public Institutions
If you were marginalized, struggling, or simply trying to live your life in peace—this session made you a target.
Immigrants. Trans kids. Low-income seniors. LGBTQ+ students. Incarcerated people. Homeless Utahns. Public school educators. Union workers. The legislature didn’t just pass bills that made life harder for these groups, it did so strategically. They zeroed in on communities with the least power to fight back, wrapped the harm in euphemisms like “efficiency” and “fairness,” and then moved on as if nothing had happened.
Let’s be clear: this wasn’t about solving real problems. It was about creating villains to justify a power grab. When lawmakers say they’re “protecting children” or “saving taxpayer money,” what they really mean is: we’ve chosen who to sacrifice so we can score points with our base.
They called it reform. We call it what it is: government-sponsored bullying. This year, like many years, cruelty was the point.
Passed:
HB 226 (Rep. Candice Pierucci): Requires local law enforcement to work closer with ICE to deport undocumented immigrants; and increases misdemeanor penalties for some Class A misdemeanors to trigger automatic deportation for legal immigrants after their 365-day sentence is over.
HB 77 (Rep. Trevor Lee): Bans pride flags from being displayed in schools and government buildings, making Utah the first state in the nation to pass this kind of law. It’s a direct attack on LGBTQ+ visibility, disguised as “neutral” policy. Legal challenges are almost guaranteed, especially given clear Supreme Court precedent on government speech. But with new restrictions on who can even sue the state over unconstitutional laws, we’re entering dangerous territory: where rights are trampled, and the path to justice is deliberately blocked.
HB 252 (Rep. Karianne Lisonbee): Bans gender-affirming care for inmates; requires detention according to birth-assigned sex.
HB 269 (Rep. Stephanie Gricius): Directs Utah Board of Higher Education on student housing policies, clarifies sex designation rules to essentially state that transgender students are banned from living in dorms that align with their gender identity.
HB 403 (Rep. Kristin Chevrier): Requires Utah to request a federal waiver prohibiting the use of SNAP benefits to purchase soda.
SB 197 (Sen. Dan McCay): Gradually eliminates the Homeowner’s Credit for low-income seniors, forcing deferred property taxes instead.
HB 465 (Rep. Casey Snider): Requires large cities to partner with the state on policing homelessness and drugs or lose critical funding.
Defeated (for now):
HB 178 (Rep. Neil Walter): Would have removed undocumented children's eligibility for the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP).
HB 214 (Rep. Neil Walter): Would have required small businesses (5+ employees) to use federal employment verification systems, criminalized the use of fake or stolen IDs for employment, and created workforce challenges for industries relying on undocumented labor by increasing scrutiny on hiring practices.
HB 284 (Rep. Stephanie Gricius): Would have imposed a 2% tax on international money transfers from Utah unless the sender provides valid identification, disproportionately impacting immigrant communities.
HB 250 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Would have prohibited public employers from disciplining employees who refuse to use preferred pronouns or gender-inclusive language.
HB 401 (Rep. Colin Jack): Would have criminalized “adult-oriented” live performances (e.g., drag shows) if minors are present.
HB 413 (Rep. Mike Kohler): Would have protected parents who oppose gender-affirming care in custody cases, limiting legal protections for transgender youth and access to care.
HB 487 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Would have established Women Veterans Day, explicitly honoring contributions of “biological women” in the military, distinguishing cisgender women from transgender women.
HB 521 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Would have prohibited any public funds for transgender healthcare services.
SB 240 (Sen. Derrin Owens): Would have reduced oversight of troubled youth facilities, allowing them to continue operations despite violations.
SB 257 (Sen. Brady Brammer): Would have triggered automatic Medicaid cuts during budget shortfalls, endangering services for low-income Utahns, children, and disabled individuals.
HJR 8 (Rep. Jordan Teuscher): This constitutional amendment would have prohibited employment discrimination based on labor union membership.
This is not a one-off. It’s a pattern. And it’s bigger than Utah. These bills reflect a coordinated national playbook: criminalize difference, punish poverty, erase queer and trans people from public life, and funnel fear into political power.
In Utah, the GOP doesn't just legislate policy. They legislate pain.
So no—this wasn’t about accountability, safety, or reform. It was about reminding vulnerable communities who holds the power. And this year, like far too many before it, cruelty wasn’t a byproduct. It was the point.
DESTROYING EDUCATION & FREE THOUGHT
This session made one more thing clear: the Utah GOP isn’t just uncomfortable with public education, they’re actively working to dismantle it.
They’re not even pretending anymore. What began a few years ago as vague critiques of “wokeism” has evolved into a full-scale attack on teachers, students, curriculum, and even basic facts. This year’s bills weren’t about improving outcomes, they were about control.
We saw attacks on mental health access in schools, the removal of sex ed, new restrictions on health curriculum, and sweeping expansions of private school vouchers. Even higher education was targeted, framed as wasteful and ideologically dangerous, while the legislature took control of how colleges allocate their funding.
The agenda isn’t subtle: hollow out public education, funnel money to private alternatives, and create a generation that learns obedience over inquiry.
The long game here isn’t just about policy, it’s about power. Because a well-funded, independent education system is one of the last public spaces where people can ask big questions, challenge norms, and learn to think critically. And for authoritarians, that’s a threat.
If you want a future where kids are taught real history, actual science, and that questioning authority is a civic duty—not a crime—you should be deeply alarmed by what’s happening.
Passed:
HB 209 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Removes background check requirement for homeschooling parents.
HB 233 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Bans Planned Parenthood health education in Utah schools.
HB 281 (Rep. Stephanie Gricius): Requires written parental consent for telehealth and in-school mental health therapy, revises health curriculum, and restricts sex education as opt-in only.
HB 265 (Rep. Karen Peterson): Requires universities to reallocate 10% of funding based on workforce demand; legislature controls redistribution.
HB 455 (Rep. Candice Pierucci): Expands private school vouchers to $122M annually with reduced oversight. This bill now signed into law, makes Utah’s voucher program the most expansive in the country.
SB 37 (Sen. Lincoln Fillmore): Redirects revenue from the basic school tax rate to the State General Fund, reducing guaranteed public school funding.
Defeated (for now):
HB 473 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Would have expanded censorship laws to digital educational materials; and imposed heavy fines on vendors.
HB 518 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Would have prohibited commercial entities from distributing obscene abuse material online, required age verification, and allowed class-action lawsuits.
CORPORATE OVERLORDS & ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION
If the education agenda was about ideological control, the economic agenda was about making sure those in power keep getting paid.
This year’s session was a case study in upward redistribution. From cutting taxes for the wealthy while pretending it helps regular people, to expanding the Inland Port’s ability to pollute without consequence, to eliminating basic tenant protections—this was corporate capture in action.
And for workers? Nothing. Actually, worse than nothing. The legislature banned collective bargaining for public employees. This wasn’t about efficiency or budgets—it was retaliation. A calculated response to one of those public employee unions, Utah Education Association, and their lawsuit challenging last year’s Amendment A, which aimed to gut the constitutional earmark for public education funding.
In a one-party state, dissent isn’t just discouraged, it’s punished. And organized labor, one of the few remaining forces capable of challenging the supermajority, was squarely in the crosshairs. Public sector workers were told to sit down and shut up. Teachers, especially, were made an example of: organize, and we’ll strip your rights.
This wasn’t about fiscal responsibility. It was about consolidating power. About making sure no one (not even the people who run our classrooms, firehouses, or public services) can push back against policies that harm them and their communities. This continues to be an economic experiment where everyday people are lab rats, and every policy is written to serve developers, landlords, and the ultra-rich.
They call it “pro-business.” But what they’re building is an anti-worker economy designed to benefit the wealthy, shield corporations from accountability, and silence anyone who might speak up. When unions are weakened, transparency disappears. And when no one can organize, no one can resist.
This isn’t economic policy—it’s political revenge. And it’s being written into law.
Passed:
HB 267 (Rep. Jordan Teuscher): Banned collective bargaining for public employees.
HB 106 (Rep. Kay Christofferson): Cuts over $100 million from ongoing revenue, giving the average Utahn a tax savings of a whopping $45 per year
HB 480 (Rep. David Shallenberger): Removes judges' discretion to extend eviction deadlines, requiring immediate tenant removal within three days.
SB 195 (Sen. Wayne Harper): Transportation omnibus bill updating vehicle fees, transit rules, and penalties, with provisions targeting Salt Lake City's street and lane reductions, potentially affecting the Green Loop and Open Streets on Main Street.
SB 239 (Sen. Jerry Stevenson): Expands the Utah Inland Port Authority’s power, allows funding private developments with taxpayer money, reduces transparency, loosens warehouse restrictions in contaminated areas, and shields the board from legal challenges.
Defeated (for now):
HB 241 (Rep. Colin Jack): Would have introduced significant restrictions on new solar facilities, prohibiting developments over 1 megawatt on land that could potentially be used for agricultural and grazing lands.
SB 337 (Sen. Kirk Cullimore): A last-minute priority for Governor Cox, would have created the Beehive Development Agency, overriding local control, mandating city cooperation, redirecting up to 75% of local taxes to state-controlled projects, and potentially sidelining environmental concerns.
CONSPIRACY THEORIES & MAGA NONSENSE
We wish we were kidding with this section. We’re not.
Some of the bills this year read like they were lifted straight from an anti-vax Facebook group or a QAnon subreddit. Laws were passed to ban fluoride, reclassify vaccinated foods as “drugs,” and fund state commissions to “monitor federal overreach.”
None of this makes Utah safer, healthier, or freer. What it does is signal to the MAGA base that their fringe beliefs are not only valid, they’re now law.
And that’s the most dangerous part.
This isn’t just performative trolling (though there's plenty of that, too). It’s a deliberate strategy to erode the line between fact and fiction. To make conspiracy feel like policy. To distract and divide while quietly consolidating control elsewhere.
These culture-war bills might seem laughable on the surface, but they serve a serious purpose: rally the base, discredit institutions, and undermine trust in reality itself.
If you’ve ever wondered how democracies slide into dysfunction, this is how it starts, not with a bang, but with bills legislated out of a nightmare Facebook feed.
Passed:
HB 81 (Rep. Stephanie Gricius): Bans fluoride in public water supplies. Amazingly, the American Dental Association has called on the Governor to veto this bill.
HB 84 (Rep. Trevor Lee): Designated vaccinated foods as “drugs” and regulates them accordingly. This is not a thing, but Trev had some big-time conspiracy energy that big pharma was going to try to vaccinate people without their consent through lettuce.
HB 488 (Rep. Ken Ivory): Expands the Federalism Commission, increases oversight of federal actions, and provides $910,000 in funding.
HB 306 (Rep. Ken Ivory): Allows Utah to pay vendors in gold and silver.
Defeated (for now):
HB 158 (Rep. Lisa Shepherd): Would have declared that international organizations, such as the UN or WHO, have no legal authority in Utah.
HB 400 (Rep. Kristen Chevrier): Would have allowed individuals to bring their own vaccine-free blood for surgery or medical procedures. This stems from the “blood purity” movement fueled by anti-vaccine conspiracy theorists like Rep. Chevrier.
HB 528 (Rep. Ken Ivory): Would have allowed mining corporations to pay state taxes using gold.
HB 566 (Rep. Nicholeen Peck): Would have removed "human sexuality" from sex education instruction, reinforcing abstinence-focused curriculum and restricting discussion of LGBTQ+ issues, healthy relationships, and consent.
THE GOOD BILLS (Yes, There Were Some!)
Progress Still Happened—But It Was Strategic and Limited
Here’s what’s important to understand: the few “good” bills that passed weren’t signs of bipartisanship. They were concessions. Carefully chosen, narrowly scoped, and largely designed to appeal to constituencies the GOP deems “non-threatening”—veterans, firefighters, schoolchildren.
Yes, there were some real wins: environmental reforms, homelessness services, and food security programs. But they were crumbs, not compromise. They didn’t happen despite the system, they happened because the system needed a smokescreen.
In other words: the GOP gives just enough to claim they’re governing for everyone. But they’re not. They’re governing for themselves.
HB 420 (Rep. Andrew Stoddard): Requires US Magnesium to reduce chlorine and bromine emissions by 75%, significantly improving Salt Lake Valley air quality.
HB 100 (Rep. Tyler Clancy): Requires free school meals (breakfast and lunch) for K-6 students who qualify for reduced-price meals; protects students from meal-related stigma.
SB 78 (Sen Jen Plumb): Establishes a Homeless Services Provider Ombudsman to investigate complaints, improve accountability, and recommend policy changes.
HB 248 (Rep. Verona Mauga): Protects veterans from fraudulent assistance with VA benefits by granting enforcement authority to the Division of Consumer Protection.
HB 266 (Rep. Jen Dailey-Provost): Requires the Utah Homeless Services Board and the Department of Veterans and Military Affairs to jointly develop best practices for assisting homeless veterans.
SB 284 (Sen. Luz Escamilla): Covers doula services under Medicaid, a rare win for maternal health.
These bills serve as proof: when Utah politicians work in good faith, real progress is possible. But don’t be fooled, these wins are exceptions, not the rule.
What Was Killed (And Why It Matters)
Perhaps even more important than what passed is what never had a chance. Common-sense gun safety. Tenant protections. Mental health access. Real investments in public education. Clean air and water legislation.
These weren’t radical proposals. They were pragmatic, popular, and in some cases, bipartisan. But they didn’t align with the GOP’s power agenda. So they were ignored.
Let’s be clear: that’s not a failure of advocacy. That’s a feature of a rigged system. There are far too many to list, but a few topics of note:
Killed:
Gun safety bills
Renter protections
Tax relief for low-income families and increased taxes for the 1%
Ballot transparency reforms
Climate and water solutions
Mental health expansions
Measures to end school lunch debt
Each of these represented a people-first policy. Each was intentionally buried by a legislature more interested in power than governance.
This Session Wasn’t Just Aggressive—It Was Desperate
It’s tempting to see Utah’s GOP supermajority as untouchable. They’ve held power for over 40 years, after all. But when you look at what they did this session: how fast, how sloppy, how authoritarian, it doesn’t read as confidence. It reads as fear.
Fear of losing control.
Fear of voters.
Fear of accountability.
They didn’t govern like a party that feels secure. They governed like one that sees the writing on the wall and is willing to burn down the safeguards of democracy to keep their grip on power just a little longer.
The GOP may have won the session, but they didn’t win the war. There were cracks. Momentum is building. More legal fights are coming. Republican town halls are leaning to push back against GOP overreach, even from their base. HB 267, the union-busting bill, faces a referendum (get involved at www.protectutahworkers.com).
The GOP’s aggressive moves aren’t just about consolidating power—they’re also signs of insecurity. They know change is coming. That’s why they’re rushing to hold onto what they have and take as much as possible from everyday people.
Utah is getting younger, more diverse, and more politically independent. Voters are getting smarter. The courts are pushing back. Organizers are getting louder. Candidates are getting braver. And groups like ours are investing in long-term infrastructure that wasn’t here even a few years ago.
The supermajority is off balance. And they know it.
So Where Do We Go From Here?
We fight. Smartly. Strategically. Relentlessly.
We build power in overlooked districts. We back candidates who speak to real community values. We train volunteers. We knock on doors. We file lawsuits. We run referenda. We protect the courts. We show up to hearings. We vote in every damn election.
This session was devastating. But it was also clarifying.
We’re not just up against bad policy, we’re up against a political machine engineered to suppress change. They don’t operate in good faith, and they aren’t here to represent us. But here’s the good news: that machine is aging. And we have something they don’t: people.
The kind who organize. The kind who speak up. The kind who believe in balance, in accountability, in democracy. The kind who read to the end of 5,000-word Substack posts because they believe Utah deserves better.
We’re not powerless. We’re building power.
And the next session? We’ll be more ready than ever.
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